In 1789, the European bourgeoisie found, with the "French Revolution", its state-form. It is organized to escape permanently from the allegiance of the clergy and nobility, now idle, unproductive, backward and violently to defend the "power." Historically, remained the "question "the" fourth state ", the" proletariat "seemed to many that the" Russian Revolution "(Bolshevik Soviet Union) in 1917 was the long awaited solution. And so it was, at least until 1924. Pace of contemporary critics, always the butt warm. It should be said that any kind of antagonism social history has produced in decades, whatever was the mode of conflict within which the capital-labor conflict (even one produced by the "cognitariat") was causing it (directed by twentieth-century "Western" '68 and '77 with the riots "Euromed", yet in record, the second decade of the twenty-first century), still be liable in respect of those seven years that "shocked the world." The revolutionary rupture Lenin and the problems building the first socialist state in Russia, does not mean that the problem of resistance struggles all'incedere orientation of the "multinational capitalist crisis" and the dual-perspective authentically antagonistic to which work and dedication, are effective only if you move away from those experiences. Judging by some reasoning and practices adopted by some "antagonism laboratory and / or seminars," by Leonardo circles, by some hyperactive "extremism"-mannered intellectual, the "issue" of the contrast material and conscience of the classes, the "issue" countervailing power of the proletarian, the program People are territorial and the organization seems to abhor, to avoid, repudiate. The "question", vice versa continues to exist in its full extent, if any "domain" economic state is not undermined by opposing it really does not "desirable", "analysis" on the refined composition class, even doomsday predictions on the outcome extension of the ongoing struggles in the world-but fully discounting the experience Leninist Soviet ones for concrete achievements, in sociomorfismo global threat to neglect the contemporary period, can lead to truly open social transformation in fate innovative. There who, changing medications, believes better combat the disease, that's not how we proceed on the ground of antagonism, the disease was and is true it is, in fact, inconceivable that the "world" by the so-called "Christian roots" and in the period history in which automation appears to reduce the quality of the contribution of individual men in the construction of the common wealth, pay differentials - spy reveals structural social injustice - between the "first" and "last" of the community tend to increase in global 'general indifference, or worse, in the further stratification of forms of exploitation and hierarchy - social oppression within the same area - between those who have an income to survive and those who do not have it, between those who are instructors and who is considered "in corpore vili" in between male and female.
Very schematically, one could say that the antagonism worker-owners and the capital-labor conflict, have been addressed and "solved" in three different ways: in the USSR, eliminating the private appropriation of socially produced wealth, but - in hereinafter Leninist experience - at the expense of personal freedoms playing from 1924 onwards terrible inequalities and in Germany, with the experimentation of the "Rhine model" capable of socialdemocratizzare unrest Social ("gradualism", "reformism", institutionalization of the labor movement), making eternal the class rule and creating a "political mediation" (class-political-party auditors) to turn the political autonomy of the subaltern social subjects, in the U.S. with the "participation" of the workers in the profits of the company abdicating any "right" and leaving "govern" the proletariat by the "hand" visible "market". In Italy has been valued by a model of conflict (negotiation delegation and "representations") which removes responsibility from all: permanent class struggle, but constantly frustrated who saw only the political and union leadership of the "left" until the present day, settling in the "values" and officially disputed claim, no more ambiguously, recipes coming out of the "crisis" confidustriali shared with their counterparts and government ("to promote "labor productivity workers, cutbacks in social spending, support for the Company to support the" application "). This model - basically established as aconflittuale - has produced immoral income position of the representatives of the working class, leaving the edge of the "power" of the same class that would have to defend and enhance. Workers have not inherited or "the means of production" as the communist social organization of production, nor were they empowered and involved in the management "reform" of the national economy, as envisaged by the "Rhine model" and could not qualify for any "participation" in the profits of the company, even if the Pomigliano Fiat, Mirafiori and SEVEL show scarring of "acquired rights" and introduction of neoschiavismo. This "model" ideological "based on the potential antagonistic working class deglli debased, depressed and lost (weakening started with the application of so-called" democracy progessive " of divittoriana, Togliatti memory), did not give workers any more bargaining power and / or decision-making within the company, or simply decent wages, nor has it reduced the differences between corporate management and material condition of existence of workers, let alone brought pieces of "equity" in their pockets as the "left" some would like to continue your time wanting to get between capitalists and workers, and state workers. It was and is difficult for the proletariat, to feel the "same boat". There is only one kind of spoils system - from PCI-Gramscian Togliatti SEL Vendola - this outrageous mechanism that favors most menial of each side, leaving out the less able to stand with hat in hand, those comrades are able to address the root issue of antagonism: the irreducibility of the proletarian party interests with those of multinational capitalism. Toughness, which is also exerted on the side of knowledge-power: getting rid of quell'angosciante substantial representation in the analogy of structure between accumulation and expropriation of wealth from one side and increase indefinitely to "know" the other, inevitably introjected even in "our ranks ". The workers have long been established that none of their condition will improve even in the event of a straightforward election victory the "center" useful only to send the membership card of the long course, its incravattata lobby manager, to head the Post Office, Railways, local health authorities and other agencies of the flourishing undergrowth layers of government. This is the Italian answer to the "labor question"? In fact, the "sinister" work to perpetuate the impasse in the possible transformation of Italian society, he was right when Marchione FIAT AD requires a new "social partt" to restate the command capitalist labor force. This "deal" could also serve to strengthen cooperation in the presence of Italian society (Article 45 of the Constitution), if instead must serve only to eliminate the "fight" and allow "owners" to become richer and the last to leave their "place", it will be difficult to participate in social massacre perpetuated by the self-defeating. 
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platform for the construction of the Popular Resistance Committees for active citizenship 1. If the social responsibility of the massacre, caused dall'irreversibile economic and financial crisis of the capitalist mode of production, are clear, as obvious culprits are the responsibility of the political leadership of the representative institutions of the labor movement (Parties of the "sinister" and union) about the defense of the political-organizational social antagonism. In Italy, the "collaboration" of the leaders of the "left" political and trade union (at different levels of offices, local and / or national, carried out) with the strategies of restructuring the command "capitalism - from the cancellation of the" sliding scale "to the Law delegation of revision of the Law 146 / '90, which introduces new limits on the right to strike (right enshrined in Art. 40 of the Constitution) and trade union freedoms - is shown by the deliberate liquidation of any representation of the conflict, which no longer exists in Parliament better to impose social and political consolidation of the mutual recognition negotiations between bourgeois factions fighting (business-telecratico outright authoritarianism or liberal pseudo-liberal regime, these options in the field) for dominance and state obscuring the collective demands of defense democratic in the egalitarian redistribution of income. . . . . 
All assumptions and political and organizational practices put in the yard (if you wish restricted to considering only the period dalll'89 today), have been disastrous to the interests of the lower classes. The same wretched actors and performers of the last decades of the devastation of the same design and mobilization of consciences and, again, now as "saviors" advancing recipes poisoned (all joined the PD) and inventing conductors political reality on the skin of the working people, the unemployed, the exploited. None of them can afford - without paying duty - of putting their theoretical concepts to real-political social movement of resistance all'incedere crisis, nobody is authorized to represent flocks not willing to delegate further. Therefore, any resumption of fighting and political participation should identify the best positioned in its contradiction of the "representation" and "representativity" making a theoretical break-policy and practice, freeing a political subjectivity from any "ownership" - even if residual - in the "we society" able to communicate new institutional forms of "popular demand" and its contents, specific items of "social policy" to be pursued. The highest point of the social-economic contradictions of capital is the annihilation of the "social other", not "collaborators". The highest point in response to the present state of affairs is "making community" - build "our society" - through self-empowerment skills (knowledge, professionalism, self-entrepreneurship, sustainability, power) and Project of social communication. . . . . The reality should not become his media representation as well as significant recent experience (neocivismo) have done. The irruption of reality into the political struggle depends on the will of "we society" to destroy the paradigm of media-party representation of social contradictions. "We" we represent ourselves in person, not a brand, a vehicle of communication in the market of politics or culture. " To break this power device ("proxy" and "representation") to avoid being still subjects, it means being personally involved in the political agenda and develop not only thought, but also practices of liberation. The precondition is to create a "political place" - People's Committee of resistance for active citizenship (CPRCA) - welcome to the territory, stripped of party affiliation, union membership, every individual, every sincere friend, every honest fellow, all available and all to propose a system for organizing and working from the bottom neoistituzionale that can address and solve the problems of "citizenship" granted autonomy and administrative responsibility to the new social territory "participation" by imposing social policy agenda. The region, from province to province, the scenario in which move in the face of a social atonomisticamente fragmented and specialized areas for functions. Build CPRCA for each province can mean building your own "frame" able to reconstruct the region politically attacking the sanctuaries of the power that this fragmentation egolatrica benefits from it in order to restate forms of domination. Escape any political game-directed by the "usual suspects" (political parties and personal well-paid) and live and exclusively political space / time of the community where you can play her own "abduction" and alienation. Building new institutional structures that will develop over time and became hegemonic in size popular forms of life, requiring "common good" in every city in the region. . . . [http://cprca2010.ning.com/ ] YOU ARE ALL INVITED TO ENTER INTO A PUBLIC ADDRESS ON THESE TOPICS
... Happiness is not running and then stop abruptly. But stand still, move slowly, deliberately ... "- From" I had a dream: to live the socialist harmony "by Zygmunt Bauman The text can be enhanced, amended, supplemented, developed ... First signatories, at the time applicants: John Durst, Oscar Marchisio
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