The political consequences (also left) of social conflict on Fiat - The diktat on Marchionne Pomigliano Mirafiori and illuminates the kind response that the manufacturing capital in an advanced country - Plan on giving to the crisis. The unexpected success of "no" in both "consultations" despite the explicit blackmail, makes the "victory" Fiat merely contingent, the recovery in production in these plants (not at all certain, despite promises) will not at all workers in the field bent the will of the company. Of course, we can not wait for a mechanical connection between immediate and working-class resistance and desirable "social fire." If, probably, will be what someone said at the time, or that the reactionaries have them get up the rocks to fall on the walk to the left and the well-side class must guard against a mechanistic reading. Too much water is passed under the bridge and too many changes in production, social and ideological intervened to be able to expect a repeat of the dynamics of class conflict that we have well-placed in our collective experience and historical memory. We are therefore forced to go deeper analysis to understand, in a non-stereotypical and prepare ourselves to seize the social tension that occurs under the skin but still in a period of systemic crisis may at any moment, erupt outside .
FIAT, an operation to "workshop" The answer 
Fiat crisis is a textbook: the effect of the loss against expansive far from guaranteed financialization - One of the main counter-falling rate of profit - it's like to increase the working time. If you read carefully the "plan", in fact, we find: the explosive increase in mandatory overtime, reduction of permit trade union ban on strikes. Net of illegal or even unconstitutional, the core of the new organization of work is concentrated in stretching the working day. That is, in Marxian terms, increasing the extraction of absolute surplus value. 
It 's a regressive response and that puts the Fiat car production in competition with emerging countries, while the European competitors (Volkswagen to Renault etc.) you are betting on new models, the richest of technological innovation, cleaner, etc.. And it's a different answer from what the same management group Fiat is doing on the Chrysler brand, clearly influenced by the conditions imposed by the U.S. government there. The crisis is therefore producing different reactions not only in terms of geo-strategic areas, but also within individual corporations. The U.S., with many difficulties, they initially tried to trace the politics of debt and to support demand even if the recent "State of the Union speech," Obama seems to mark a change of course in the direction of reducing the deficit. Europe under German hegemony, however, anticipated the timing of the "return" in the Maastricht criteria, even at the risk of strangling in the cradle a "recovery" decidedly bloodless economic and uneven across the continent. France and Germany point to the superior quality of their manufacturing and accentuate the dependence of other countries, often transformed into their "contractors". This dynamic polarization can also manage the internal social cohesion: the stronger countries can maintain decent wages and welfare, without forcing a disproportionate levels of exploitation of the workforce. While, as you go down the various productive sectors, unless these conditions are: the elongation of the workday goes hand in hand with rising unemployment, increasing the retirement age is accompanied by the expulsion of labor "guaranteed" (fifty with permanent contracts) and the general insecurity of all generations, cutting social services made available by other areas of investment for private capital to run out of outlets. Marchionne's Italy is a country that is moving away from the productive heart of Europe and that reflects also commercially recognized, the extreme bias implicit in this type of response: a few luxury brands (Ferrari, Maserati, Jeep, Dodge, Cherysler, perhaps Alfa Romeo also) for the social groups that maintain or increase the their income and the Fiat brand for those poor, possibly with models produced in Turkey, Serbia, Poland (in Mexico to the U.S. market).
This model is presented as a break immediately aware, surgery, without mediation, with the industrial relations system built after the war. A break "consistent" with the kind of competition you plan to do (the productions of developing countries) and aims to re-propose here some modes.
A radical cut with the past "concert", characterized by general trade unions and national contracts, namely the "compromise between capital and labor." The framework outlined in 'Plan Fiat "provides a model of relations" accomplices "to the enterprise level, corporate type, in the competitive logic that takes the firm as an army at war with everyone else. And within the army is not eligible for either the comparison, let alone the conflict. Only obedience hierarchy. If this is the basic idea, however, is also easily recognizable. We are no longer a backward country for 50 years: workers are accustomed to negotiating pay and working conditions, to form trade unions (and change them if dissatisfied) to exercise rights. The model Marchionne "resisted. Indeed, even where the produce had become almost a thing of the distant past. E ', the model FIAT?
Lingotto is leading the way, then. We must therefore consider what its specific weight in the Italian economy, along with the compatibility of its "model" with the rest of the production system. The spin-off of Auto and Industrial seem to herald an abandonment of the sector by the Agnelli family, still major shareholder through the archaeological outline of the limited partnership on the cusp of a more "modern" Chinese boxes derived more financial industry. If the stated aim of the group is to reach the 6 million cars year (the threshold considered a "low" in order to stay in the global market), it must be said that almost all of this figure - for taking good production levels promised for the Italian operations - will be built elsewhere. At the same time, however, the Italian market in the world where the only Fiat to reach double-digit levels (27% in the fourth quarter of 2010). It should not be underestimated, however, the fact that most of the 'attractiveness' of Fiat cars in Italy is linked to factors "emotional" nationalistic (Ferrari victories in F1, "our," automotive industry), as well as price levels (especially level maintenance). Abandon the production in Italy may cause them to lose more sales quotas. But the "heart" design and the market of choice has become North America. There is moved much of the team designing the new models, there is invested (thanks to the subsidies the U.S. government) in new technologies for lower power consumption and less pollution there is expected to achieve sales volumes here impossible (the element National-motor is also true for Germany, France, Spain and Britain, of course). In effect, then, Fiat now has the classic configuration of a true multinational, "based" (although, again?) In Italy. The unique in the manufacturing sector (Eni, Enel, UniCredit have other characteristics).
By occupation, the only auto industry has just 25,000 employees (but Termini Imerese is already closed), and certain assumptions are not expected. But the car is huge and involves induced - directly or indirectly - nearly one million people. Difficult to assess the disaster employment in the event of a spill from Italy complete the group, but you can not underestimate the "specific weight" of the Fiat industrial and overall turnover of the country.
The "Fiat model" as described in the "agreements" of Mirafiori and Pomigliano, it seems better fits for industries large or very large, with a presence already established in global markets, and can therefore credibly exercise over their employees the same blackmail designed by Marchionne, "or so, or I'll go elsewhere."
For the others - that have their own business related to territoriality or size that does not allow for quick relocation - extending the working day and compress the salary is not easy. The first objective calls for wage bargaining and some compensation (even by organizations "accomplices"). Peacefully manage a drastic depletion seems that it is not possible even in countries traditionally dictatorial (see movements in Tunisia, Egypt, Algeria and Albania in other ways).
In the public sector - obviously not "relocated" could continue on the path of outsourcing and precarious, with a serious reduction of individual rights and unions, as well as the abbreviations accepted in the negotiations. But the "rigidity" intrinsic to this type of authoritarian management problem areas makes no counterparts in terms of pay, the benefits of "appropriative discretion." The same harmony between the government and complicit unions (CISL, and UIL trade unions and corporate self) makes it difficult to bring projects to the end of the drastic reduction freedom of association and worsening of working conditions of public employees. The "luck" Fiat initiative, therefore, has so far benefited from a number of factors not easily repeatable: the declared support of the government (the dismantling of the protections of labor laws, by the Minister Sacconi), the "complicity" exhibited by CISL , UIL and UGL - among metal workers - the unions Fismic. The attempt to isolate and eject the Fiom Cgil factories is therefore influenced by political factors rather falling: the cycle turns Berlusconi clearly at the end and even another government "technical" or "center-expanded" may find it necessary to re-engage the CGIL in the game of negotiations to lose. On a structural level, finally, a few medium-large enterprises and government floating on a sea of \u200b\u200bscattered and disjointed work that now characterizes over 60% of the workforce, a world that was born and raised in the absence of real individual rights and unions, often with the CGIL and the center of the "Treu package". A world in which pulverized the work of mending union is objectively very difficult and where the ratio of job insecurity is the norm, not the exception. A world that programmatically, however, has never been organized by any trade union confederations, which, in this respect, are all complicit.
The dynamics of the crisis say that the scope of uncertainty is the only one in which it occurs some perverse "growth" in employment (especially in "black", apparently). This is the class itself, generated by changes in the production and industrial relations in place for some time. The story FIAT, the attempt to eliminate the national contract, the reduction of trade union rights even in the large concentrations of workers are the conclusion of a general attack already and now is preparing to assault the last strongholds of those who were the points strength of class conflict in Italy. We are not at the beginning but in the end of a profound transformation phase that must be understood in its effects to put ourselves in a position to respond. The transformation has never in fact have a "sudden act", but the result of processes of long-term "rush" in a certain place at a certain time. In order to organize the class response, therefore, must be seized - in their relationship - is the trend that the economy, both because of the long term (in which, as they say, outweigh the elements of continuity) that the immediate
The crisis of tactics.
If we got to the condition in which class conflict is promoted from above, that only class by the opponent, there are both objective reasons (general retreat, political and cultural front of the capacity of the bourgeoisie to resume the cycle of growth after 70 and 89), is the product of subjective responsibility of the communist movement and class (in terms of association and movement). Point political, organizational theory and we want to address is correct in the last two decades, especially in Italy, has been abandoned any organic connection with the real class that was evolving under the impact of changes in overall production. There are those who did so by clinging to visions of ultra-Orthodox and those who take positions "modernist" up to ridicule. But still leaving the great capital decay of political organization, trade union, social and class consciousness accumulated in previous rounds of fighting. Without vision, and without political representation at national level, tends to dominate the small vessels, the initiative from day to day, the pure reaction even generous, but without a plan and without alternative. And, more often, the mere adaptation to the existing administration, which at the union level becomes defend his organization, on the political focus on the attractiveness index of a prestigious symbol. A "worm" that has undermined the organization of class in our country was therefore the tactics, The Politic, the prevalence of contingency at the expense of perspective and the concept of society. This "worm" is still alive today. In this sense we can give a positive opinion on the recent decisions of the Fiom, but one that arises in the story over and Fiat is how to organize the whole world of work in its current configuration. The risk we see is to use "political" story of Fiat, considered perhaps be used to give new breath to the policy of "left". The committees set up by Bertinotti and Cofferati in support of NO, the various policy initiatives that seek to patch up a dialectic with the center, the mutual use of instrumental trade unions and politics we are seeing, could become a boomerang when all this into perspective is a process of reorganization of the actual class. This concern becomes even stronger when one considers that many of the characters have resurfaced today are the same people who have been involved in another adventure, unfortunately almost removed, but now it shows all its political significance. We refer to the referendum held in 1995 on Article. 19, which set the criterion of the "signed agreement" to take advantage of trade union freedoms. A referendum promoted by the trade union left and from what was then the Communist Party of the PRC; designed to cut the legs of the nascent grassroots unions and independent movements, now turns back heavily against those who promoted it. Marchionne, CISL and UIL have just used that article to "get rid" Fiom.
The political point that we want to highlight is not so much the merit of that episode of masochism union, but the fact that then as now - with both the negative of '95, both with the positive current - if it continues to prevail contingency and tactical necessity, in this moment of crisis is not going anywhere, and we will know a new political defeat. That practice and the culture are worn out and long since have shown their limits. We note that the practical need to get out of this logic is now translated in an attempt to create a movement that represent themselves, "even in the field of politics, or as" United against the crisis, "which says it wants to build a "alternative society". It is not the first time that the deafness demonstrated by the political class than the social demands stimulate similar processes.
In the past, however, these attempts have always clashed, at one point, with the problem of design and organization, or of the necessity of a unified long-term organizational structure, responsibility centers and strategy strongly anchored to the prospect clearly independent of the center.
Communists in class conflict
We must therefore deal with this situation both in terms of the emergency policy is on that perspective that is nullifying and decisive test as to how the Communists are in the modern class conflict. The resistance of the workers of FIAT is an important indication that should be collected and re-launched. The strike called by the FIOM metalworkers' unions and the basis for Jan. 28 is a first important step that can only be followed by general strike and widespread. It seems to us that continue to pull the jacket to ask the CGIL strike is a way to do a general strike. Continue on this road anyway and ask the FIOM to side it seems to us an element of political clarity and informative on the job.
These are only preliminary steps in an overall reorganization of the class movement, and so we must indicate the maximum clarity of content and work plans by which to measure the communists to find a real function in the class struggle that recurs in a modern imperialist state. political independence. And 'the qualitative element that must characterize the conflict in our country today. When we speak of independence can not be understood but stated only that it was practiced in the conflict, and especially the organization of the workplace and in society as a whole. This is to confirm and strengthen a process that leads out of alliances with the center left and that needs stiffness and subjective ability. The confederations. While the attack Marchionne will make a showdown with the working class and of big business with large aggregations of workers is clear that the first response is to defend in every way the union exists in this area . But then we must also go further and re-launch the initiative because the systemic crisis with which the company capitalist are doing the accounts increases the contradictions that not only defense but also the revival of a true union beginning with the "strongholds" in the world of work. This need, however, can not be separated from the construction of a new confederal because no group is strong enough to withstand the attack on its own to which they are placed on the workers. Spread the union even where the work is fragmented and precarious, find the appropriate forms of organization for the 60% of workers considered out of trade union rights, to make metropolitan areas of focus and control means to equip what will be the actual size of the labor market in the near future where the productive and social disintegration could only respond with a strong organized subjectivity of the class.
The Representation of the socialist bloc. E 'to open a new perspective on the union level but it is equally important to rebuild a political representation of lower classes in our country. We know that it is a daunting task that has to deal with the reality of the areas of class, in their modern state of backwardness, and ideas between the left and the communists that led to a disastrous situation. It will be a complex process, which will proceed in stages and each one will be an "examination" to deal with that, however, will be followed in determining what the contradictions that are emerging about the robustness of the social system. January 26, 2011
Link:
http://www.contropiano.org/Retedeicomunisti/reteindex.asp
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