Thursday, January 6, 2011

White Releases Before Period What Is That?

Open letter to the Secretary General of the FIOM

a prominent
Maurizio Landini, I am writing because the "people of the October 16". I intend to communicate with you to make confident and informed participation in the support staff availability FIOM clearly as it faces a serious battle with the company (in this case, the new company FIAT) which becomes State (Order of "rules" to sort out business constitutional and labor law). I sincerely hope that your organization - after January 9 and the outcome of the referendum scheduled for 13:14 - the intransigence necessary to retain a genuine safeguard the dignity and rights acquired by metalworkers. The political rhetoric of solidarity, on the one hand, and, secondly, the unspeakable statements of national leaders of some parties Opposition praising the agreement - clearly illegal - imposed by CEO Marchionne, Fiat, since in their view, ultimately, ensure the development of production, employment and participation in corporate profits, worries many employees, not only used in industry, from that time are not represented by the "class" party and trade unions. However, there was shock. In Rome, October 16. The "shock" of October 16 to find, in these days of struggle and resistance, its natural outlet. The embryo of the unity of subjectivity generated by antagonistic social struggles become apparent, some reflecting the onset of the chaotic demands, but - no doubt - posing as a sign of a serious target shooting capacity all'incedere contrast of the "dictatorship of the company and the leading role that re-populate the horizon of the" common goods ", primarily the work. This shock, called for and co-produced, is induced by material conditions which diverge irreversibly clot interests of global capital (the mingling - at governmental and parliamentary - and public interests of private facts is an expression of the primary role more easily decipherable which plays the "political-industrial-financial complex" in the configuration of the domain name) on the one hand, and, secondly, a reaction of the "lower classes" - the heart of the daily social conflict - which sees the self-organization and the necessary political autonomy, while sediments of critical knowledge and theoretical-political facts are being shared and "body" in the concrete "forms of life" and "active citizenship". From this point of view, these seem anachronistic and misleading "political laboratory" (for example, the "factories" vendoliane and / or pdessine) trying to recover this "potential anti-system of exploitation" (ie, genuinely revolutionary), obviously purified embarrassing "admissions democracy ", directing it towards a helpless reflux party-oriented legalistic unique benefit of a" political class "that will recycle, surviving to himself and incapable of self-criticism. In reality, these archaic store operations, it is essential to insist on the popular line of building new institutionalism, distant / different from those joints where the state "representation" perpetual subordination, subjugates the masses, creates distortions in the devastating "constitutional democracy" ; political autonomy has to - back - conquer and defend space to exercise their "rights" of youth, women, temporary workers, unemployed, laid off, workers, artisans, autoimprenditori knowledge, self-employed persons now ill bear the iniquity of yet another historical crisis of the capitalist model of development. The struggles of resistance and attack on the "pincer"-union confederation, which requires the political agenda of the country, show an awareness of "other" of the crisis which calls on all its protagonists a renewed determination in the ability of people to give authoritative voice - without mediation party - the "social needs" (income, welfare, culture, environment, multiculturalism, ...) and "work" that are in his DNA. This stress can not be grasped by women and free men with the enthusiasm that comes from the recapture of its existence. For those who lived through the difficult battle and lives of individual and collective freedom of capital from the game - not distinguishing, so short-sighted and feeble, the "local" from "global", as unfortunately in some parts of the "neocivica" has obtusely pointed out, causing more "losers" and dispersion of transformative energies -, present in this square, rooftop, occupations and principals, this presentation of the "mobilization self" of the masses can only have half as the horizon and the statement a new social model, the "language" of the community, real issues of "policy proposals" conveyed by the struggle. The scenario is necessarily broader than that of pseudostrategie party. The deserters party "left", including pdessini on leave for a short, "exciting" season, who attended and alternative modes of self-organization and production of socio-political events, noting the "mortal lock" and the evanescence of the opposition - not only PD - in the presence Berlusconi, now, sensing the smell of repression (the long-awaited ConIndustria, such as safety officer, to the mouth of President Marcegaglia) Chilean type, turn back, to a "parent", for un'autoreferenzialità and an inter-unable to "choose" the party of the people (for example, water: the PD has deployed perhaps collecting signatures for the defense of that essential public good? And on oil and nuclear? And for the job? ), imagining to occupy and appear serious and tasks on TV. The impact of the October 16, then, was produced and resulted in an initiative unified social antagonism. Now, at this time, it aroused the collective desire to be really on the ground, continue to implement initiatives to support the mobilization of common interest. The FIOM and grassroots unions can do much in this perspective. Also considering the possibility of imminent elections and the risk of yet, by some, the allure of the "Democratic party" (as always with decisions made elsewhere, primarily in Rome), it seems appropriate to indicate with clarity the strangeness and hostility to "games" unproductive when harmful, providing the "popular movement of resistance and active citizenship" of "places" their representative and democratic self-defense. Under the circumstances, it is possible to create stable and popular organizations to fight directly expressed by the workers and citizens, such as spaces to participate in decisions in the interests of social communities and territorial basis of democracy in cells mass from which to build the new structure organized public institution that, in this form, may constitute, in the contingent, these organisms can grow popular struggle and a privileged place as a tool for making claims of political activities of those antagonists. You may wish, in particular, the foundation of political strategy antisystemic dellosfruttamento socio-territorial hegemony of popular resistance to active citizenship as a means of counter alternative state apparatus. Turn the debate on these issues in light of the sun - not a few, but large - will finally identification of a common practice antagonistic, recognizable to those of diffuse revolts which, by this way, will be transformed into concrete decisions of breath lasting. I conclude by making public the personal wish of my own political and cultural activism that is partisan FIOM and the fight for the general strike in solidarity of January 28. Thank you for any consideration. Bologna, January 6, 2011

John Durst, professor of Philosophy and Social Sciences MIUR


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A proposal to work together
1. If the social responsibility of the massacre, caused dall'irreversibile economic and financial crisis of the capitalist mode of production, are clear, as obvious culprits are the responsibility of the political leadership of the labor movement of representative institutions (parties of the "sinister" and union) about the defense of the political-organizational social antagonism. In Italy, the "collaboration" of the leaders of the "left" political and trade union (at different levels of offices, local and / or national, carried out) with the strategies of restructuring the command " capitalist - from the cancellation of the "sliding scale" to the Enabling Act to revise the Law 146 / '90, which introduces new limits on the right to strike (right enshrined in Art. 40 of the Constitution) and trade union freedoms - is shown by the deliberate liquidation of each representation of the conflict, which no longer exists in Parliament, the better to impose social and political consolidation of the mutual recognition negotiations between bourgeois factions fighting (business-telecratico outright authoritarianism or liberal pseudo-liberal regime, these options in the field) for dominance state and the darkening of the instances of collective defense in the democratic egalitarian redistribution of income. . . . . 2. All assumptions and political and organizational practices put in the yard (if you wish restricted to considering only the period dalll'89 today), have been disastrous to the interests of the lower classes. The same wretched actors and performers of the last decades of the devastation of the same design and mobilization of consciences and, again, now as "saviors" advancing recipes poisoned (all united in or PD) and inventing conductors political reality on the skin of the toiling masses of unemployed, the exploited. None of them can afford - without paying duty - of putting their theoretical concepts to real-political social movement of resistance all'incedere crisis, nobody is authorized to represent flocks not willing to delegate further. Therefore, any resumption of fighting and political participation should identify the best positioned in its contradiction of the "representation" and "representativity" making a theoretical break-policy and practice, freeing a political subjectivity of any "ownership" - even if residual - in the "we society" able to communicate new institutional forms of "popular demand" and its contents, specific items of "social policy" to be pursued. The highest point of the economic and social contradictions capital is the annihilation of the "social other", not "collaborators". The highest point in response to the present state of affairs is "making community" - build "our society" - through self-empowerment skills (knowledge, professionalism, self-entrepreneurship, sustainability, counter) project and social communication. . . . .
3. The reality should not become his media representation as well as significant recent experience (neocivismo) have done. The irruption of reality into the political struggle depends on the will of "we society" to destroy the paradigm of representation party-media of social contradictions. "We" we represent ourselves in person, not a brand, a vehicle of communication in the market of politics. To break this power device ("proxy" and "representation") to avoid being still subjects, it means being personally involved in the political agenda and develop not only thought but also practices of liberation. The precondition is to create a "political place" - People's Committee of resistance for active citizenship (CPRCA) - welcome to the territory, stripped of party affiliation, union membership, every individual, every sincere friend, every honest fellow, all available and all to propose a system for organizing and working from below can address and resolve issues of citizenship and responsibility by giving political and administrative autonomy to new socio-institutional spheres territorialialmente "participation" by imposing social policy agenda. It's territory is the scenario in which move in the face of a social atonomisticamente fragmented and specialized areas for functions. Build CPRCA for each geographical area may mean the provincial building its own "frame" able to reconstruct the region politically attacking the sanctuaries of the power that this fragmentation egolatrica benefits from it in order to restate forms domain. Escape any political game-directed by the "usual suspects" (political parties and personal well-paid) and live and exclusively political space / time of the community where you can play her own "abduction" and alienation. Building new institutional structures that will develop over time and became hegemonic in the popular dimension of life forms, requiring "common good" in every city in the territory of belonging. . . . . All are invited to begin a public discourse on these issues. ... Happiness is not running and then stop abruptly. But stand still, move slowly, deliberately ... "- From" I did a dream: to live the socialist harmony "by Zygmunt Bauman

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